I've performed a challenging task: I've read both Peril and Betrayal. Both were difficult to finish, despite the simple language with which they were written, because first, I knew the ending, as do we all; and second, to relive ex-'s time in office is distressing, to say the least.
But I felt I had to. Both books have spent time atop the New York Times best-seller list; indeed, Betrayal is there now. They represent different styles of reporting.
Peril is as close to straight-up journalism as it can possibly be. Very little personal references are made to either of the authors, Bob Woodward and Robert Costa. Their personal feelings aren't recorded.
What they've done is managed to get, first of all, Mark Milley, Chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, on record. If you consider what he clearly told them and no one else, Milley saved the republic. First, he dialed back his naive, in-uniform appearance at the George Floyd demonstrations just outside the White House in June, 2020, basically apologizing for it as a lack of realization of what ex- was trying to represent by striding outside the White House gates, through Lafayette Park and to the doorstep of St. John's Church, just across the street, posing with a bible in his hand. The first opportunity he had, Milley told the public that that was a mistake, that the military should have nothing to do with political affairs and was there to defend the Constitution, not support the political gain of any individual. That was, of course, the correct stance, whether any future chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff decides to follow such an example or not. And if ex- gets re-elected, you can bet Milley will be among the first he fires in a purge that will make heads spin.
But the second thing he did, the thing that Woodward and Costa reveal by their reporting, is that Milley convened those who could carry out a deranged president's orders to begin a war with someone in the declining days of a failed presidency. He made them look him square in the eye and tell him that if any aggressive orders came from the White House, they would be run past Milley first. They all promised to do so. That opportunity never came, but Milley, by his constitutional position, in fact flirted with violating that same Constitution by assuring the nation that a madman wouldn't unnecessarily put it at risk. After all, the president is the commander-in-chief and can utilize the nation's military resources at will. But that has always assumed relatively sound judgment--which that president never had and never will.
That is just one of a number of reportorial gems that Woodward and Costa reveal. But like Jonathan Karl, the author of Betrayal, they had to promise non-disclosure of many sources to bring forward their accounts. That jeopardizes the authenticity of their accounts, of course. But such is the amazing power of their subject--that enough people incredibly follow such a blatant liar and grifter that attribution of anything negative, explicitly or implicitly, can create such damage to mean political suicide. The emotional grip he has on millions cannot and should not be denied. It is a cult in full, shameful view.
No one who has contributed any relevant information revealing ex- to be incredibly unfit to be president, who hasn't already been condemned by him, gave his or her name to whatever interviewer caught up with them first. That many felt it necessary to contribute to the record means that, at least on paper, they still believe in our democracy and want it to succeed; Milley is but one unsung hero (many deluded extremists and frightened sycophants, too) we meet within the pages. Without various contributions, we'd be in even tougher shape than we're in now, dangling at the edge of legitimacy. But they miss the most important issue: accountability. Without specific attribution, the reliability of the information within both sets of pages can always be attacked--and will be, you can bet on it--despite the previously established reputations of the authors. In America, fear is always highly operational.
Both books, naturally, provide important details on the uprising and failed (for now) coup of January 6. Betrayal is demonstrably better because Karl managed to get more people to discuss just how scary it all was from different perspectives--and where Vice-President Pence was and how he acted during those hours (The browbeating he had to endure was truly amazing. I have a real problem with his politics, but the toughness of his spine cannot be questioned.).
Peril, while accurate, doesn't get to the level of Karl's on that topic. Woodward's prestige, in a sense, prevents him from the gumshoeing that Karl can still perform; he's a reporter's reporter, asking the questions that needed to be asked without worrying about reputation. Perhaps that's why Woodward had Costa accompany him; the mere mention of his name to perform interviews, especially after writing two previous accounts of ex-'s presidency, probably scared off some who might have provided other fascinating, vital facts. A big name gives you unique access, yes, but it also closes down some, too.
Since he's the ABC News White House correspondent, Karl's style surprises because we're used to seeing his productivity for two minutes at a time during the news at 5:30 rather than in print. He takes us aside every so often and expresses the outrage that so many of us feel and felt upon hearing ex-'s stupidity and lies. He's not afraid to express, and recognizes the importance of, his own contribution to the coverage of ex-'s exploits, but it doesn't feel an extension of his ego; he was there--for instance, inside the White House during the abovementioned demonstrations--and those were the questions he asked. And he managed to keep ex- on a relatively long reportorial string until it became clear that his power, though now unofficial, would be maintained after losing the election.
He must be an excellent interviewer: The things that people told him, and no one else, show that his calming but persistent manner creates an atmosphere of trust while not sacrificing opportunities to ask vital questions. If he needed attrbution, however disguised by the skittish, he provides it right then and there: "Two sources who also heard that conversation...."
Of course, the two accounts overlap; they portray the same relative time. The danger of January 6 becomes quite evident in both. But Peril also moves into the first part of President Biden's term and the challenges that a small Congressional majority comprise, especially if the other side simply refuses to cooperate in any measurable way. Their writing loses its intensity, mainly because reporting on anything Congress does can easily get lost in the weeds. But that takes up little of the book's conclusion, and the rest is fascinating and vital to know.
Both books come to a sad, frightening conclusion: That the Republican Congressional leadership had a brief chance to dismiss this presidency as a tragic mistake, to do a reboot, so to speak, and bring the issues facing the nation back into proper focus. They could have shown real leadership, putting country before party; heaven knows, there's plenty more to distinguish the policy differences within Congress and without. But they didn't.
House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, in particular, will stand guilty of wasting such an opportunity. His visit to Mar-A-Lago within days of the end of ex-'s presidency created the aura of legitimacy that allowed ex- to re-establish himself as the leader of a demented cult that masquerades as a political party. He, too, is revealed as desiring power for its own sake, based on nothing else than prestige. He will fail because ex- will sweep him aside whenever he feels like it. His visit gave ex- the gravitas to do so.
Mitch McConnell has done so, too, far more subtly, but with the same fear of being supplanted as anything more than titular Senate Minority Leader. But the sad matter is, that's already been done. McCarthy put McConnell in a corner with no way out. Republican Senators are locked in line on nearly all substantive issues not because of extraordinary discipline commandeered by McConnell, but because they, too, have their political lives in jeopardy if they but waver from ex-'s iron-fisted grip. Their votes are already chosen for them. Their states have been already compromised.
Individually, these are excellent books. Their thoroughness is a tribute to the skills of the authors in getting down to relevant facts and their ultimate meaning. Their styles are what their authors find to be comfortable. Betrayal is far more conversational, but Peril, threadbare of emotion, does not take a back seat.
If you're looking for a holiday present, or greater depth, for those you believe need to understand the impact of this odd and very dangerous time in our history, I cannot recommend one book over the other. Now that I've read them, I think you need to get both of them and immerse in the revelation of clear and obvious threats to our democratic system--threats that are ongoing and seem to be resisting legitimate efforts to head them off.
It's just another way of saying what many have found true: If you want to know something well, read about it. If you want to know more, read more.
Be well. Be careful. Get a booster. With some luck, I'll see you down the road.
Mister Mark
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